Those were the days, when student politics was nothing but romance with revolutionary fervor. Starting point of the romantic revolutionary zeal of Sindhi students was 4th march 1967, when students of Sindh University Jamshoro took out the procession to Hyderabad city against the Commissioner of Hyderabad Masroor Ahsan and in favor of the Vice Chancellor of Sindh University Prof. Abdul Rehman (Father of Miss. Sherry Rehman) under the leadership of new rising student leaders like Yousuf Laghari, Yousuf Talpur, Masaud Noorani, Jam Saqi etc. The procession was blocked at Indus Bridge and hundreds of students were beaten and sent to central jail Hyderabad. After partition that was the first liaison of Sindhi students with the prison. Afterward that liaison led them to an intimate relation, so strong that the prisons of Sindh became the second home of Sindhi student leaders and workers.
4th March movement turned towards Anti-Ayub Regime and Anti-One Unit Movement. Along with academic excellence, Sindhi students started to excel in national and international politics especially of revolutionary struggle. National and class struggle led by Comrade Hyder bux Jatoi and G.M.Syed influenced them the most. Along with it came forward the progressive Sindhi literature. Sindhi students embraced it with open arms and warm hearts. Love and revolution were the focal point of progressive literature and our student politics alighted with these two strong emotions. Full of commitment and ready to sacrifice everything for a noble cause, a new lot of Sindhi literary stalwarts like Sheikh Ayaz , Amar Jalil, Abdul Karim Gaddai, Mohd.Usman Deplai, Mohd.Ibrahim Joyo, Comrade Sobho Gianchandani, Haleem Brohi, Shamshir-ul-Hydri, Tanveer Abbasi, Siraj-ul-Haq Memon, Imdad Husseini, Jamal Abro and hundreds of other came in fore front and educated the new rising student leadership and working cadre. A new trilingual literate (Sindhi, Urdu, English) generation came into existence which was lucky enough to read Shakespeare and Shah Latif, Faiz and Ayaz in their origin. With the help of trilingual literacy, whole world of literature and politics was in lap of new leadership and revolutionary cadre whose main stream belonged to student community.
Soon after 4th march movement, Sindhi students started to organize. Under the influence of G.M.Syed, nationalist cadre founded Jeay Sindh Students Federation (JSSF) and Communist cadre created Sindh National Student Federation(SNSF) under the leadership of Jam Saqi. A little later Rasul Bux Palijo created differences with G.M.Syed and founded Sindhi Awami Tahreek and its students wing Sindhi Shagird Tahreek(SST). Palijo mixed the flavours of Sindhi nationalism of G.M.Syed, class struggle of Comrade Hyder Bux Jatoi and vexed Marxism-Leninism with Maoism. He waged through out his life two pronged war against Jeay Sindh and Communist Party of Pakistan (CPP). Positive by-product of his ideological war was enhanced political literacy among all sides. Along with it a well literate socialist liberation force arose in Jeay Sindh which gave birth to Progressive JSSF, Sindh Watan dost Inqlabi Party and then Sindh dost Inqlabi Party. All the revolutionary forces created their own students, workers, peasants, women and children wings who played pivotal role in political education of Sindhi masses. Throughout the Sindh, thousands of study circles and small libraries were established. All “Otaqs” (Drawing rooms) of rural and urban areas and student hostels became the hub of storming political debates dedicated with great humanitarian cause and students played the role of vanguard.
When Z.A Bhutto came in power with overt popular support and covert support of establishment, he tried his utmost to crush and corrupt the class struggle and national movement of Sindh. Since he knew that the backbone was students community, so he created his own student wing, Sindh Peoples Student Federation(SPSF) to subdue the revolutionary forces especially JSSF, which had the strongest following in students. But SPSF faced defeat even in Bhutto’s hometown Larkana. That was a crushing blow to Bhutto’s ego. Crackdown of JSSF workers started all over Sindh and in retaliation a section of JSSF workers took up the arms. Now with the weapons in their hands to face the state terror, some of them diverted from the revolutionary route and started to equal the scores with personal and political opponents of all shades. Bhutto and then all succeeding rulers took it as good omen. They consistently and covertly protected and strengthen the criminal activities of all student leaders. Hence the history of armed scuffles among different students’ organizations started to put black marks on forehead of revolutionary students movement. JSSF suffered the most. It emerged as the strongest in resistance and simultaneously it indulged in criminal activities the most. That irony still persists.
The turning point of revolutionary students politics was hanging off Bhutto. When Bhutto was pronounced guilty by four Judges of Punjab only under the duress of army led by Gen. Zia of Punjab, then and there, all masses of Sindh including PPP and SPSF workers felt in an instinct that what G.M.Syed and JSSF workers were proclaiming since years was right. The instinct, which Benazir Bhutto even endorsed later as “discriminatory attitude meted out to PMs of Larkana and Lahore”.
When Bhutto brothers and Benazir started to resist Gen. Zia and army rule through different paths, students and youth provided both of them strong stuff, able to resist army rule at all fronts. In Sindh, two opposite slogans ‘Jeay Sindh’ (Long Live Sindh) and ‘Jeay Bhutto’ (Long Live Bhutto) converged at mass level. Persecution of all progressive and nationalist forces along with PPP workers by Gen. Zia forced them to unite against tyranny of army rule. Hundreds of thousands of political workers were put in torture cells. President of SNSF, Nazir Abbasi was tortured to death. A great many political and student leaders and workers including Dodo Maheri and Abdul Wahid Areesar of Jeay Sindh faced the public lashings. So under the army rule of Gen. Zia, Sindh as nation, felt all oppressed. The culmination point came in 1983, when MRD under leadership of Benazir Bhutto launched the movement, even she had no inkling of the rage of Sindhi masses. Sindh virtually waged a war of resistance against army rule and national oppression simultaneously and unanimously. That unity was never seen in recorded history of Sindh! Who provided the revolutionary fervor, militant spirit and most of all organized operational capacity? Surely that was the role of revolutionary forces mostly student community. Everyone knows that PPP has always been remained a great mob not a good organization. Witnessing the revolutionary turn about of MRD in Sindh, the movement was abruptly called off. This about turn of MRD leadership greatly disappointed people of Sindh and they felt betrayed. Bitter feelings of apparent failure spread seeds of disunity all over the political landscape of Sindh. Along with feudal leadership of PPP, accusing fingers were raised towards G.M.Syed, who opposed the movement. Though his opposition proved blessing in disguise, since no one could stamp it as secessionist or anti-Pakistani movement, but his open support to gen. Zia at this crucial juncture of history tarnished his image among Sindhi masses. He robbed from himself the historical opportunity of being alternate leader of the Sindhi masses. He put whole national movement in limbo. JSSF leaders and workers faced great dilemma. Practically they stood with masses defying G.M.Syed but politically they felt alienated and some what condemned. It was an ironical situation. Confusion and rift arose in rank n file. Rows of dedicated and most literate cadre of JSSF started to split away here and there and the qualitative decline got fast case.
On the other hand Zia regime envisaged a deadly dangerous policy to destroy the whole socio-political fabric of Sindh. Along with brutal force, Sindh was compelled in Dark Age. Until the emergence of MQM in 1985, Karachi was largely a peaceful city of lights. Student politics was dominated by Islami Jamiat-ul-Tulba(IJT), student wing of Jamiat-e-Islami on one hand and National Students Federation(NSF), Peoples Student Federation(PSF) and all nationalist wings of Sindhi, Baloch and Pushto students on the other hand. Though die hard opponents, they largely lived with peaceful co-existence. Only petty skirmishes were occurred which got resolved peacefully due to tolerance of both sides.
Under a well thought out plan of Zia Coterie, Karachi and Hyderabad were handed over to MQM through bloody clashes with Pathans, Punjabis and Sindhis respectively. On the other hand, dacoits of Sukkur Jail were let loose to run away and rule the rural terrain of Sindh. A brutal breed of dacoits, never seen in history of Sindh, was created who led Sindh hostage. A deliberate series of kidnapping for ransom was started which have got now the status of the most heinous criminal industry. Professional dacoits were induced in student hostels to defame and demoralize the vanguard of revolutionary movement. Through non-party elections in 1985 old reactionary forces and marginalized tribal entities were brought forward in forefront and whole society was balconised in tribal fiefdoms. A severe crackdown upon die hard leaders and workers were unleashed. President of Sindhi Awami Tahreek, Fazil Rahu was murdered who played the pivotal role in 1983 movement. All other leaders were put behind the bars or made them on run n hide. Active political workers were bribed through overt and covert operations launched by job providing agencies. This sophisticated multi pronged offensive strategy of Zia regime largely succeeded and Sindh came under control of dark forces of dacoits and terrorist. Final blow came from outside. Fall of Soviet Union and socialist block hit hard the progressive nationalist and socialist forces and they felt lurching in dates. A great coas and confusion started to loom large upon their hearts. Their revolutionary zeal and resistance power started to recede and ultimately they found themselves in quake and quandary. At once they found no earth under their feet and fell down in deep pit. In the last decade of the 20th century, student politics of Sindh along with other progressive forces went into coma. With the advent of movement against Kalabagh Dam it came out from coma. A movement reincarnated. It got tremendous momentum in 1999 when Benazir Bhutto herself led the procession against Kalabagh Dam at Kamu Shaheed near Sindh Punjab border. But soon after take over of army under Gen. Musharraf put the whole political process under the long boots for nearly a decade. In these two decades, a new generation of students came forward with no political motivation. Though none of their fault. Whole society faced de-politicization and degeneration of politics. This new generation saw no politics of noble cause and commitment. Only the witnessed the cruel and cunning game of politics controlled by vested interests. Even in student hostels and university campuses new generation of ordinary students witnessed the vested groups political wings fighting with each other over tribal matters and they do not refrain to take young lads to death trap. What a pity! After a great apathy, at last, intelligencia of Sindh has taken a first practical step to actively participating in APC on tragic situation of Sindh University.
This chronic disease of deadly conflicts needs consistent efforts of all parties especially will and vigor of students community. It is essential to fix all warring infections with clear code of conduct and strict implementation strategy should be devised by consultative committee which should be implemented strictly by administration with the close cooperation of intelligencia and political leadership of all student wings. Everyone needs to clean one’s own house first. Otherwise a brewing storm will tore down the all dirty houses of vested interests. After all we have entered the age reincarnation and global youth has started to re discover their power thanks to information technology and uprising of Arab youth. Student community of Sindh can’t be immune to it for long. We must not forget that dawn comes after the darkest hour of night and we are now passing through the darkest hour of the night. New dawn is in the offing and this second decade of 21st century is going to be the decade of liberation.
Jagdeesh Ahuja
E-mail: jagdeeshahuja@yahoo.com
